《自由中國》在美又獲最佳影片獎

新唐人2012年8月5日訊】由新唐人電視臺(本臺)參與製作的記錄片《自由中國:有勇氣相信》,於8月3日在美國科羅拉多州丹佛市的「自由思想電影節」(Denver International Freethought Film Festival )首映。這部影片繼獲得美國多個電影節大獎之後,在這次丹佛市的「自由思想電影節」 中又獲得最佳影片。請看詳細報導。

在丹佛藝術中心的布爾劇院,很多觀眾觀看了記錄片《自由中國:有勇氣相信》之後感到非常震撼。自由思想電影節創辦人安卓婭•斯的爾(Andrea Steele)對這部電影特別推崇:

自由思想電影節創辦人安卓婭•斯蒂爾(Andrea Steele):「今年電影節的最佳影片是你們的電影《自由中國:有勇氣相信》。我們選擇這部影片是因為其中體現了行動和人道的力量,來反抗中共政府這種非常極端的人權迫害。」

製片人黃升建也專程趕到丹佛,與觀眾分享影片製作過程中的體會。他表示,會繼續到各地參展,也計劃在電視和網路上舉辦試映會,希望這樣的影片能推動自由的新中國早日到來。很多觀眾也分享了他們看這部影片的感受。

音樂創作人斯蒂文•泰勒(STEPHEN TAYLOR):「剛剛看過你們的影片,我完全被征服了。讓我感到在美國這裡的人們不能允許,在中國製造我們的衣服是在勞改營裡,而且他們的器官還面臨被強制摘除。這絕對不行!」 

記錄片《自由中國:有勇氣相信》,是由新唐人電視臺和獲獎導演麥克波曼聯合製作,內容講述了兩位大學畢業的李祥春和曾錚,因為修煉法輪功而在中國遭受迫害過程中的心路歷程。這部影片從今年5月起在洛杉磯、費城和休士頓等多個電影節中都獲得最高獎。

新唐人記者趙悅、楊陽美國丹佛報導

轉載自:http://www.ntdtv.com/xtr/b5/2012/08/05/a742988.html.-《自由中國》在美又獲最佳影片獎.html

《自由中國》的製片人Kean Wong, 曾錚女士, 非營利機構「美國洞見」的創始人Margaret Chew Barringer, 《自由中國》的音樂製作人Tony Chen。(攝影: 愛德華/大紀元) 

《自由中國》的製片人Kean Wong, 曾錚女士, 非營利機構「美國洞見」的創始人Margaret Chew Barringer, 《自由中國》的音樂製作人Tony Chen。(攝影: 愛德華/大紀元) 

发表在 zengzheng | 《自由中國》在美又獲最佳影片獎已关闭评论

新唐人《澳洲广角》第241集-含曾錚評論-瞧瞧人家的問責

幾個月之前,我們給大家介紹了澳洲臥龍崗市議會官員因為腐敗醜聞全體被罷免的事,那麼這件事情是不是就到此為止了呢?我們聽一聽評論員曾錚是怎麼說的。 (首播時間:2008-10-18)

點擊收看曾錚主持新唐人《澳洲廣角》 第二百四十一集之【澳媒觀察】欄目 (從0分54秒處開始)

发表在 zengzheng | 新唐人《澳洲广角》第241集-含曾錚評論-瞧瞧人家的問責已关闭评论

In Early Spring 初春

Jennifer at the suburb and Mianyang City, Sichuan Province, China in 1998. 曾錚1998年初攝於四川綿陽郊區。

Jennifer at the suburb and Mianyang City, Sichuan Province, China in 1998. 曾錚1998年初攝於四川綿陽郊區。

发表在 zengzheng | In Early Spring 初春已关闭评论

G20 Discussions Not Likely to Stop US-China Trade War

BY JENNIFER ZENG

November 21, 2018 Updated: November 21, 2018

WASHINGTON—After a sharp exchange of words between Vice President Mike Pence and Chinese leader Xi Jinping at the recent APEC summit, experts have doubts about what can be achieved at the upcoming G20 meeting between President Donald Trump and Xi, along with the trade war ending any time soon.

Patrick Cronin, director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center for a New American Security, told The Epoch Times that the APEC summit was likely a ripe opportunity to put forth a strong image.

“Tactically speaking, APEC was too tempting for either the Chinese or the American side to ignore, to show strength of conviction,” he said, adding that they were likely preparing for the “real summit, when Trump and Xi meet again.”

China issued a long list of ideas and reforms to the United States, according to the U.S. president, so there was something to work with, Cronin said.

“We’ll have to see how the United States handles the next round of this discussion. I expected there to be continued tensions, overall, on economics, but some release of tension on some specific aspects of the relationship.”

“So some deals—partial deals” could be reached through this, he said, which is “not necessarily what the Chinese would like—a big ‘framework of principles’ agreement [where] everything works within that very harmoniously.”

“That’s not likely how the United States is going to work, because President Trump is much more transactional on these issues,” Cronin added. “And I think he is going to continue to be dissatisfied with too many aspects of the economic relationship. So I expect there to both be agreement and disagreement going forward for the foreseeable future.”

Cronin thinks that the United States needs to mobilize the G20 countries around its agenda to have more rules defining fair trade, and says Beijing will surely work against that.

“I expect the Chinese to bring people around to their point of view to put pressure on the United States to cool the tariff war, because tariffs put pressure on China to make a choice,” Cronin said. “And China doesn’t want to be driven to make a choice—it wants to continue to do what it wants to do, which is to take advantage of the fact that it doesn’t have a market economy. It has state-led capitalism, it has state-owned enterprises.

“[The current situation] gives China an unfair advantage in the trading rules that were created for market economies, from the U.S. perspective,” he said.

Qiao Mu, a Chinese academic and former professor at the Beijing Foreign Studies University, recently wrote on Twitter, citing a high-ranking Chinese official, that Xi Jinping said at an internal meeting that China wouldn’t back down whatsoever in this trade war.

According to Qiao’s tweet, Xi said at the meeting, “What else does the U.S. have apart from the tariffs? If you are really that capable, you’d better stop buying our goods. We weren’t scared off even by the comprehensive sanctions against us after 1989; what’s so terrible about a few tariffs? In the past, the U.S. was most important to us—now we have the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative, Africa, Latin America, and the global market.”

Chen Pokong, a Chinese author and political commentator, said during an interview with Voice of America that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was put into a very awkward and difficult situation in the trade war, as the United States had included workers’ rights and wages as trade issues. He said the CCP was very much embarrassed by these requirements, as it has never allowed Chinese workers to defend their own rights or form their own unions.

Chen said that the CCP wants to play the role of a world leader, but it is currently not able to.

“China wants to play the role of a leader, but it does not act like it. If it really wants to play such a leadership role, it means completely changing itself, including its current economic and political system,” he said.

Source: https://www.theepochtimes.com/g20-discussions-not-likely-to-stop-us-china-trade-war_2720703.html?fbclid=IwAR2byqgdsajRiYp468BxfqQNPY_nOAaDdsEQ8vhTqTNPRTLsRkx-b02oCag

发表在 zengzheng | G20 Discussions Not Likely to Stop US-China Trade War已关闭评论

How American Academia Misleads About China

BY JENNIFER ZENG

November 20, 2018 Updated: November 20, 2018

WASHINGTON—U.S. academia is having difficulty giving students and the public at large an honest picture of today’s China, according to experts.

Scholars censor themselves, Chinese students attending U.S. colleges and universities are kept on a tight ideological tether, and China-sponsored institutes for teaching Chinese culture are offering propaganda.

Self-censorship 

Perry Link, emeritus professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University, says that for various reasons, especially to gain access to China for study, American China scholars practice self-censorship, and adopt the official narrative of China when talking about sensitive issues.

“We don’t talk about ‘Taiwan independence’. We talk about ‘the cross-Strait relations.’ We don’t talk about ‘the occupation of Tibet.’ We don’t call the June 4th Massacre ‘massacre.’ It is June 4th ‘incident,’ or something like that,” Link said, during remarks at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom,” sponsored by Freedom House at the Hudson Institute on Oct. 24.

 Perry Link, emeritus professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

Perry Link, emeritus professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

Because of the self-censorship of overseas China scholars, as well as the efforts of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s propaganda ministry, when people search for certain terms or phrases, they get CCP’s narratives, Link said.

Link did some experiments and found that if he searched “Does China have democracy?”—a question suggested by Google under “people also search for” list—the answer was, “Chinese have expressed skepticism towards Western-style democracy as incompatible with traditionalist Chinese culture. They hold that government is legitimate not when people influence it but when it represents their higher interests.”

When he searched “Do the people in China vote?” the answer was, “Elections in China are based on a hierarchical electoral system, whereby local People’s Congresses are directly elected, and all higher levels of People’s Congresses up to the National People’s Congress, the national legislature, are indirectly elected by the People’s Congress of the level immediately below.”

In fact, in the elections for the local People’s Congresses, individuals can only vote for those the CCP has chosen. In elections for higher offices, the Party controls who is selected. Although there has been talk for decades of instituting local democracy, the Party keeps local elections under strict control.

When people search for “Why did the Great Chinese Famine happen?” the answer is, “According to the government, and the Chinese Communist Party, the Great Famine was caused by a string of natural disasters. Communist historiography refers to it not as a ‘Great Famine,’ but as the “Three Years of Natural Disasters.’ There are seeds of truth in this claim.”

Link said there were many other similar examples. “I don’t want to blame these idiotic answers on my fellow China scholars. But I think the culture within—which we don’t tell our students, we don’t write our books, we don’t talk to the news media in frank, honest terms— allows these spaces to develop and get filled with junk.”

Link said, “Does self-censorship in the scholarly world exist? Not only does it exist, it is everywhere. And there are costs. Ultimately, the costs are to the American public and the world’s public.”

Link said that the “Beijing lingo” adopted by American China scholars was quoted by Beijing back in China to show to the Chinese people that U.S. experts are supporting Beijing’s stance. In this way, young scholars and the public, in both the United States and China, are misled.

Controlling Chinese Scholars and Students 

Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian, a former security-affairs reporter at The Daily Beast, spoke at the forum about how the CCP controls the Chinese diaspora, and Chinese scholars and students in the United States via its embassies and consulates.

She said that each Chinese embassy and consulate has an “education department” that takes care of a certain region. Each official in the “education department” takes care of several out of some 100 to 150 Chinese Student and Scholar Associations (CSSAs) in the United States.

 Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian, a former security affairs reporter at The Daily Beast, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian, a former security affairs reporter at The Daily Beast, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

They set up WeChat groups with presidents of the CSSAs, and can instantly send notifications to all the members in the groups.

For example, when CCP leaders come to visit, the CCP can, by offering cash, free food, transportation, and accommodations, organize thousands of Chinese students to “welcome” them.

Because of the CCP’s tight control, “for many Chinese students, actually the environment they are in, many times, when it comes to experiencing democracy, experiencing free speech, and experiencing freedom of assembly in the United States, particularly surrounding issues related to China, that doesn’t really exist for them very much, especially now,” Allen-Ebrahimian said.

“So we have assumed that they are here, they are experiencing the fresh air of democracy, when in fact, the Chinese Communist Party’s entire goal has been to inoculate them against that.”

Allen-Ebrahimian said these well-funded and paid activities of Chinese students are about controlling the narrative both in America and China.

People in the United States may start to wonder: “I thought these Chinese students would come here to fall in love with democracy. Why do so many of them support the Party? Maybe we were wrong?

“Maybe there is something about the CCP? Maybe there is something about this one-party rule, because it appeals to people? Maybe democracy isn’t just for them? ”

Allen-Ebrahimian said that’s what the CCP wants; and that is why they do this: “to control the narrative in which we exist.”

Confucius Institutes and Classrooms 

Rachelle Peterson, policy director at the National Association of Scholars, spoke of her experience doing research about the Confucius Institutes and Classrooms, whose public justification is to teach Chinese language and culture at universities, as well as primary and secondary schools outside of China.

High-ranking Chinese officials have described the Confucius Institutes as important parts of overseas propaganda and an extension of China’s soft power. The Institutes and Classrooms don’t cover sensitive topics, such as the Tiananmen Square Massacre or the spiritual discipline of Falun Gong, or they offer narratives friendly to the Chinese regime of, for instance, the status of Taiwan.

 Rachelle Peterson, policy director at the National Association of Scholars, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

Rachelle Peterson, policy director at the National Association of Scholars, speaking at the “Mark Palmer Forum: China’s Global Challenge to Democratic Freedom” at the Hudson Institute in Washington on Oct. 27, 2018. (York Du/NTD)

Peterson said there are 107 Confucius Institutes and more than 500 Confucius Classrooms in the United States.

Hanban, which governors the Confucius Institutes and Classrooms, offers some 3,000 textbooks per year to the Confucius Institutes, plus free teachers and about $100,000 per year on average to each university that hosts an Institute.

Peterson said because of that, not only the Confucius Institutes and Classrooms are under the CCP’s censorship, but those who are outside of the Confucius Institutes and Classrooms also feel pressure. They watch what they say in order to not upset the CCP, and they dare not express their concerns.

Peterson cited one case that when a person agreed to talk with her about the Confucius Institute, he dared not meet her in his office, or even in the building where he worked.

They had to meet in the basement of another building on the outskirts of the campus, to be sure that no one saw him talking with Peterson about the Confucius Institute.

A common concern was that the Confucius Institute directors and senior professors may vote against someone’s tenure promotion if the person expresses his concern about the Confucius Institute, Peterson said.

Source: https://www.theepochtimes.com/how-the-american-academy-misleads-about-china_2720496.html

发表在 Journalism 我的報導 | How American Academia Misleads About China已关闭评论

一場離奇的車禍

看到大紀元《僑報董事長謝一寧被殺 知情人爆其特務身份》這個報導,我想起了另一件不相干、但又些相關的發生在澳大利亞墨爾本之事。
這事發生在十幾年前,具體時間忘了。當地有份中文小報,登了許多中共的謠言,很賣力地替中共攻擊法輪功。
一天,此報社的大約是主編、副主編、老闆等這樣級別的人物,及會計一共四人,在淩晨兩點左右做完報紙後,一起驅車離開報社。
結果,車啓動不久後,鉆進停在馬路上的一輛大卡車下面,當場車毀人亡,車上四人死掉三個,只有坐在後排的會計倖存下來。
後來警察調查此車禍時,百思不得其解的是,從他們的車發動,到鉆到大卡車下面,一共只有約50米的距離,警察怎麼也想不明白,他們的車如何能在短短的50米內將車速提高到鉆進卡車下面後會造成嚴重事故的程度?如何速度不夠快,事故絕對不會那麼嚴重;可50米內,速度怎樣提上去的?這又不是在搞賽車比賽。
警察雖然不明白 ,但對知道因果報應的人來說,也沒啥不明白的。
只是,一個報社一舉死掉三個主要人員,太慘了,沒人好意思說。這麼多年我就一直沒說過……
今天拿出來說,也是想說明這個問題:昧良心的事情,真不能幹。

(注:此文圖片爲另一不相干事件,僅爲示意用,非本文所提事件之新聞圖片。)

发表在 Inspired by Life 人生感悟 | 一場離奇的車禍已关闭评论

Remarks by Vice President Pence at the 2018 APEC CEO Summit

Pacific Explorer Marquee Theatre | Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea

12:25 P.M. PGT

Thank you, Scott.  And thank you all for that warm welcome.  Prime Minister O’Neill, Chairman Taureka, representatives from across the region, leaders of the business community, and to all our distinguished guests, it’s my honor to join you here at the “premier economic forum” in the Indo-Pacific: the 2018 APEC CEO Summit.  Thank you all for being here.  (Applause.)

At this forum last year, President Donald Trump laid out the United States’ vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific, where, in his words, “sovereign and independent nations, with diverse cultures and many different dreams, [could] prosper side-by-side, and thrive in freedom and peace.”

And President Trump personally sent me here today, one year later, to report on our progress in achieving that vision.  Across the board, we’ve taken decisive action, and the United States’ commitment to the Indo-Pacific has never been stronger.  (Applause.)

The Indo-Pacific encompasses more than half the Earth’s surface and more than half the human family.  Two-thirds of global trade happens here, and its economic potential and strategic importance are only growing by the day.

To unlock the region’s boundless opportunities, last year, President Trump promised to pursue “robust trade relationships rooted in the principles of fairness and reciprocity.”  And from South Korea to Mexico to Canada, we’ve forged new and historic trade deals, and more are on the way.

He promised to give the nations of the Indo-Pacific a better option to support infrastructure projects, by “reforming our development finance institutions.”  And today the United States has more than doubled our financing capacity to $60 billion.

The President also promised to build stronger partnerships to ensure our shared security.  And this year, we’ve provided more foreign military financing to the Indo-Pacific than the previous three years combined.

The President promised to “confront grave threats to security.”  And we’ve stood with our allies and partners in the region to defend their sovereignty, root out terrorists, and bring North Korea to the negotiating table.

And last year, at this very forum, President Trumppromised to “always put America first” and get the American economy rolling again.  And our actions have led to growth in our country that’s benefitting countries all across the Indo-Pacific as well.

Under President Trump’s leadership, in the United States, we’ve cut regulations at a record pace.  We’ve unleashed American energy, and we’ve enacted the largest tax cuts and tax reform in American history.

The results have been remarkable — 4.5 million new jobs, the lowest unemployment rate in half a century in our country, and more Americans are working today than ever before in American history.  We’re on track to reach the fastest growth in nearly 15 years.  And after 10 years, the United States is once again recognized as the most competitive economy in the world.

And American growth, as I said, is driving global prosperity right here in the Indo-Pacific.  Over the past two years, American businesses have announced more than 1,500 new projects and more than $61 billion in new investments across this region. The United States’ total investment in the Indo-Pacific is now more than $1.4 trillion — more than China’s, Japan’s, and South Korea’s combined.  And American investment in the Indo-Pacific will only continue to rise.

America’s renewed economic growth is vital to our vision for the Indo-Pacific, where strong and independent nations grow stronger still.  And they grow stronger still together.  And that’s what America has always sought, going back to our nation’s earliest days.

Our history in the Indo-Pacific is a story of trade and commerce — starting more than two centuries ago with the Empress of China, a ship that left New York and traveled across the Indian Ocean and into the Pacific, reaching Canton, where it traded American ginseng for Chinese tea and porcelain.

Throughout our history, it’s been a story of friendship and partnership — of bonds built over time with every nation — east, north, west, and south — including five of our most cherished treaty alliances.

It’s a story of strength and a story of sacrifice — of our nation’s bravest standing shoulder-to-shoulder with many of yours to push back the tides of imperialism and communism, from the Coral Sea to the Incheon Landing to countless hills and beaches and jungles between.

And it’s a story of progress in the Indo-Pacific — of our nation working hand-in-hand with all of yours to uplift our citizens and usher in a new era of opportunity for all. Across this region, hundreds of millions of people have climbed out of poverty; innovation and entrepreneurship have accelerated; dictatorships have fallen and democracies have risen in their place; and citizens have stood tall to reclaim futures and reassert their independence, from Malaysia to the Maldives.

As we gather here at APEC, we are writing the newest chapter even now of our progress, and we’re guided by our vision.

As President Trump described last year, the United States seeks a free Indo-Pacific where independent nations boldly pursue their own interests, respecting their neighbors as equals; where societies, beliefs, and traditions flourish side-by-side; where individuals exercise their God-given liberties to pursue their dreams and chart their destinies.

The United States also seeks an open Indo-Pacific, where commerce and culture flow freely; where the seas and the skies are accessible to all with peaceful aims; where disputes are resolved without conflict or coercion; where nations trade with one another, gathering as much as they give; and where we embrace a future of endless possibility for all who call this region home.

This vision, I know, is shared by the vast majority of nations in the Indo-Pacific. It excludes no nation, and from the western shores of Latin America to the furthest reaches of the Indian Ocean, the United States has extended a hand in a spirit of friendship and partnership, seeking collaboration, not control. In all that we do, we are working tirelessly to advance our shared prosperity, strengthen our shared security, and uphold our shared principles.

Trade, of course, is central to our interests in the region.  And as the President said last year, the United States will, in his words, “make bilateral trade agreements with any Indo-Pacific nation that wants to be our partner and that will abide by the principles of fair and reciprocal trade.”

Beyond the deals that I’ve already mentioned, the United States will soon enter negotiations on a trade agreement with the world’s third largest economy, in Japan.  I’m also pleased to report that America is already in discussions for another trade deal with yet another APEC member — and we’re just getting started on that.

And while we’ve been forging new deals, we’ve also stood up to countries that use unfair trade practices. Just look at the stand that President Trump has taken on our trading relationship with China.

As President Trump said just a few hours ago in the Oval Office, we have “great respect for President Xi… [and] great respect for China.” But, in the President’s words, “China has taken advantage of the United States for many, many years.”  And those days are over.

As the President has added, China has “tremendous barriers”; they have “tremendous tariffs”; and, as we all know, their country engages in quotas, forced technology transfer, intellectual property theft, industrial subsidies on an unprecedented scale. Such actions have actually contributed to a $375 billion good trades deficit with the United States last year alone. But as the President said today, “that’s all changed now.”

We’ve taken decisive action to address our trade imbalance with China.  We’ve put tariffs on $250 billion in Chinese goods and we could more than double that number.  But we hope for better.  The United States though will not change course until China changes its ways.

Beyond trade, the United States is promoting private investment in the Indo-Pacific as never before. As we stand here today, American companies are hiring and training your workers, holding themselves to the highest standards. They don’t serve a distant capital; they bring benefits directly to your country. And you need look no further than Papua New Guinea for proof of the critical importance and benefits of American investment.

Take one example: ExxonMobil has already invested more than $19 billion in this nation, building more than 450 miles of pipeline — (applause) — and creating more than 2,600 jobs here in Papua New Guinea.  (Applause.)  And the overwhelming majority of which are local hires.  Now ExxonMobil, I’m informed, intends to double the capacity of its plant here in Port Moresby, with another multi-billion dollar investment.  And tomorrow, I look forward to joining several of our allies and partners in the region to announce a historic initiative that will transform Papua New Guinea’s future.  (Applause.)

But American investment is not just growing here, it’s surging all across the Indo-Pacific. Our companies are constructing power plants in Bangladesh and expanding digital connectivity in Nepal.  They’re building solar panels in Vietnam and innovation centers in Singapore, shaping the energy infrastructure in Peru and expanding healthcare services in Chile.  And they’re installing and maintaining underwater cables to connect the many nations of the South Pacific to the United States and the wider world.

And America is taking action to spur greater investment in digital connectivity especially.  This week, we created the U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership to strengthen the cyber economy of Southeast Asia and bring American business expertise to bear on the region’s digital needs.  As we pursue similar projects in the days ahead, I can assure you we will continue to hold fast to our conviction that a free and open Indo-Pacific also deserves a free and open Internet.  (Applause.)

With this renewed commitment to development financing, we’re also making infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific a top priority — from roads to railways, ports to pipelines, airports to data-lines.  And the United States has a principled approach that stands in stark contrast to other some nations.

As we speak, as we’re all aware, some are offering infrastructure loans to governments across the Indo-Pacific and the wider world. Yet the terms of those loans are often opaque at best.  Projects they support are often unsustainable and of poor quality.  And too often, they come with strings attached and lead to staggering debt.  (Applause.)

Not long after our War of Independence, my nation’s first President, George Washington, warned of the dangers that could undermine all that we had achieved: debt and foreign interference. And so today, let me say to all the nations across this wider region, and the world: Do not accept foreign debt that could compromise your sovereignty.  Protect your interests.  Preserve your independence.  And, just like America, always put your country first.  (Applause.)

Know that the United States offers a better option.  We don’t drown our partners in a sea of debt.  We don’t coerce or compromise your independence.  The United States deals openly, fairly.  We do not offer a constricting belt or a one-way road.  When you partner with us, we partner with you, and we all prosper.

While our ongoing investment in prosperity across this region has been immense, the United States has also continued to stand with likeminded nations to ensure security and peace across the Indo-Pacific.

You know, it’s remarkable to think that when the President spoke before you last year, the greatest threat to the Indo-Pacific was the regime in North Korea. We all remember those days: nuclear tests, missiles flying over Japan, a war of words and provocations.

Faced with this threat, the United States rallied the world to enact an unprecedented pressure campaign.  And as the world witnessed at President Trump’s historic summit with Chairman Kim in Singapore in June, our collective resolve has borne results.  No more tests.  No more missiles.  Our hostages are home.  And the hope of peace on the Korean Peninsula is alive once more.

As we speak, the United States is making plans for another summit between President Trump and Chairman Kim.  All nations must continue to stand together, enforce all U.N. Security Council resolutions, and hold North Korea to the commitments it made in the Singapore Declaration — and so will we.

We must be vigilant and resolved to achieve the final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea.  We owe it to our children to secure a lasting peace for the Korean people, we owe it to the Indo-Pacific, and we owe it to the world.  (Applause.)

And as President Trump made clear last year, the United States will also remain vigilant against other threats facing this region — criminal cartels, drug smugglers, human traffickers, and cyber criminals. To that end, we will continue to expand our military, intelligence, and law enforcement collaboration across the region.

We will continue to work with our allies and partners to defeat the menace of extremism.  After ISIS-inspired terrorists went on a rampage in the Philippines last year, the United States stood with our ally to liberate Marawi City.  We will never allow radical Islamic terrorists to establish a foothold in the Indo-Pacific.

We will continue to stand with our allies as well and our partners to protect our borders on land and sea, and in the digital domain.  This week, it was my privilege to announce a new partnership between the United States and Singapore to bolster digital defenses for the 10 nations of ASEAN.

We’re also forging new and renewed security partnerships, as shown by our recent trilateral naval exercises with India and Japan. And today, it’s my privilege to announce that the United States will partner with Papua New Guinea and Australia on their joint initiative at Lombrum Naval Base on Manus Island.  (Applause.)  We will work with these nations to protect sovereignty and maritime rights of the Pacific Islands as well.

And you can be confident: The United States of America will continue to uphold the freedom of the seas and the skies, which are so essential to our prosperity. We will continue to fly and sail wherever international law allows and our national interests demand; harassment will only strengthen our resolve. We will not change course.  And we will continue to support efforts within ASEAN to adopt a meaningful and binding code of conduct that respects the rights of all nations, including the freedom of navigation, in the South China Sea.  (Applause.)

Finally, as President Trump made clear last year, we will also “uphold the principles that have benefitted us all” through the generations.  The United States is working as we speak to promote civil society, the rule of law, and transparent and accountable government across the region.  These are the building blocks of progress and they are the bulwarks of independence.

Today, it’s also my privilege to announce our new Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative.  In conjunction with more than $400 million in American funding, this program will help empower the region’s citizens, combat corruption, and strengthen sovereignty.  And it is our honor to initiate this program.  (Applause.)

All the people of the Indo-Pacific deserve to live in flourishing homelands.  And governments that are accountable to their people make better partners for all of us, including the United States.

As the President said at APEC last November, the United States will always stand without apology for individual rights. Since the American founding, our nation has embraced the principle that all are created equal and endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights.  Americans believe in the freedom of speech, private property, and the freedom of religion.  And we will continue to support those who aspire to these freedoms across the Indo-Pacific and the world.

We do this because it’s just.  We also do this because it’s in all of our interests.  The truth is, governments that deny rights to their own people too often violate the rights of their neighbors.  Authoritarianism and aggression have no place in the Indo-Pacific.  (Applause.)

In the days ahead, the United States will continue to put America first, as all the countries represented here are duty-bound to put the interests of your people first.  But I hope by my remarks today and the President’s leadership in the last year that it’s clear that America first does not mean America alone.  We know that our prosperity, our security, and our future are intertwined with yours.

The President sent me here to demonstrate our continued commitment not just to all of you and to the region, but our continued commitment to APEC and its mission of promoting open markets; free, fair, and reciprocal trade.  Discussions this week on digital trade and services are important for the region’s continued rise, and we’re proud to support them.  As I told the nations’ leaders of ASEAN earlier this week, ASEAN is central to our Indo-Pacific vision.  And we are proud of our partnership with ASEAN — past, present, and future.  (Applause.)

The United States is drawing closer to our allies every day.  We’re working with Japan to invest $10 billion in the region’s energy infrastructure, and we’re now partnering with Japan and Australia to support a vast array of private development projects across the Indo-Pacific.

As the world’s oldest democracy, the United States also feels a kinship with the world’s largest democracy, India.  And our strategic partnership with India is a key component of our vision.  As we speak, we’re increasing our security collaboration with our major defense partner.  We’re strengthening our trade relationship with India, and promoting our shared values across the region.

We’ve proven our commitment to the Pacific Islands as never before by investing in infrastructure, cooperating on fisheries, and signing new maritime treaties.  Even the smallest nations are equal stakeholders in a free and open Indo-Pacific, and we are proud to stand and partner with all of them.  (Applause.)

Now as I stand before this distinguished group of leaders in business and public life, we are aware of the concern that U.S.-China competition is felt among many of you.  There’s a concern that the competition will hurt the region economically or that South China Sea developments will increase military tension.

So let me be clear: The United States seeks a better relationship with China, based on fairness, reciprocity, and respect for sovereignty.

The difficulties that the United States and other nations face with Beijing have been well documented by our administration.  China knows where we stand.  But as President Trump has said, in his words, we want to “strengthen the relationship between our two countries and improve the lives of our citizens.”

And as the President prepares to meet with President Xi at the G-20 Summit in Argentina, we believe that progress could be made — progress could be made between our two nations, even as the United States remains in a strong position.

And let me be clear again: China has an honored place in our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific if it chooses to respect its neighbors’ sovereignty; embrace free, fair, and reciprocal trade; uphold human rights and freedom.  The American people want nothing more; the Chinese people and the entire Indo-Pacific deserve nothing less.

Today, as in ages past, the United States has offered our hand to the Indo-Pacific in partnership.  Our commitment is steadfast and enduring.  Our intentions are proved by more than two centuries of good will.  And our past is but a prelude to a future that we will write together, in cooperation and competition, as honest partners and faithful friends.

As an Indo-Pacific nation, the United States is proud to be a part of this great story, and we’ll continue to write new chapters, with resolve and with faith — faith in the people who call this vast expanse home, and the boundless capacity of every individual to achieve their dreams; faith in our most cherished principles, and in the vision that we share for this region of the world.  And lastly, I believe that we go with faith that, as we labor for a free and open Indo-Pacific, we do not work alone.

Not far from here, in the Parliament of Papua New Guinea, I am told, sits one of this country’s national treasures — a King James Bible, more than 400 years old. (Applause.)  Before it made its way here, it passed through my home state of Indiana. It calls to mind the rich and diverse traditions of culture and faith that characterize this vast region of the world.  And on that foundation, I believe we can be confident that our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific will prevail.  For, as it says in that old book, “where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.”  (Applause.)

So thank you all for the honor of addressing you today and for participating in this important gathering.  We will forge a future better and brighter than anything we could ask or imagine.  We will forge a future where nations large and small can prosper and thrive across the Indo-Pacific.  And I believe with all my heart, we will forge that future together.

So on behalf of President Trump and the American people, thank you for your presence here today.  God bless all the nations and people of the Indo-Pacific, and God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

Source: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-vice-president-pence-2018-apec-ceo-summit-port-moresby-papua-new-guinea/

发表在 Speeches 演講 | Remarks by Vice President Pence at the 2018 APEC CEO Summit已关闭评论

副總統彭斯在2018亞太經合組織首席執行長峰會上的講話

巴布亞新幾內亞,莫爾茲比港(Port Moresby)| 太平洋探索者號大劇場(Pacific Explorer Marquee Theatre)

巴布亞新幾內亞時間 下午12:25

謝謝斯科特(Scott)。謝謝諸位的熱情歡迎。奧尼爾(O’Neill)總理、陶瑞卡(Taureka)主席、各地區的代表們、工商界領導人及我們所有的貴賓,我很榮幸能與諸位一起在此出席印度-太平洋(Indo-Pacific)「高級經濟論壇」:2018亞太經合組織首席執行長峰會(2018 APEC CEO Summit)。謝謝諸位蒞臨。(掌聲)

在去年同樣的會議上,唐納德·特朗普總統(President Donald Trump)闡述了美國有關印度-太平洋地區自由開放的前景。他當時指出,「在這個地區,擁有主權和獨立的國家富有文化多樣性,也存在各種不同的夢想,但都能夠在自由與和平的環境下共同繁榮,興旺發達。」

一年以后的今天,特朗普總統親自派我來到這裡,介紹我們為實現這個前景取得的進展。總體而言,我們採取了果斷的行動,美國堅持承諾促使印度-太平洋實現前所未有的繁榮富強,(掌聲)

印度-太平洋地區的面積占地球一半以上,人口也占人類大家庭的一半以上。全球貿易的三分之二在這裡進行,經濟潛力和戰略重要性必然日益增長。

為了開創這個地區無限的機會,特朗普總統在去年承諾「以公平和對等的原則尋求活躍的貿易關係」。從韓國、墨西哥到加拿大,我們已經達成新的歷史性貿易協議,更多的協議正在形成。

他承諾「通過改革我們的發展融資制度」,為支持印度-太平洋國家的基礎設施工程提供更好的選擇。如今,美國將我們的融資能力提高了一倍以上,現已達600億美元。

總統還承諾,為保障我們的共同安全發展更牢固的伙伴關係。今年,我們向印度-太平洋地區提供了更多的外軍融資款項,數額高于前三年的總和。

總統承諾「抗擊對安全構成的嚴重威脅」。我們與我國在該地區的盟國和伙伴同心協力,努力捍衛各國主權,鏟除恐怖主義分子,並促使北韓回到談判桌前。

去年,就在這次會議上,特朗普總統承諾 「一貫以美國優先」的原則恢復美國經濟的繁榮。我們的行動已經促進了我國的增長,同時也使印度-太平洋各國受惠。

在特朗普總統領導下,我們在美國以創紀錄的速度降低各類監管措施。我們發揮了美國的能源潛力,我們實施了美國有史以來最大幅度的減稅和稅務改革。

上述各項已取得卓著成效——創造了450萬個新工作,失業率降低到我國半個世紀以來的最低水平,今天有工作的美國人超過了美國歷史上的任何時期。我們正按部就班實現近15年來最快速增長的目標。10年后,美國將再次成為全世界競爭力最強的經濟體。

正如我所說的,就在印度-太平洋地區,美國的增長正促進全球繁榮。過去兩年來,美國工商界已宣布在這個地區各處開展1,500多項工程,安排610多億美元的新投資。美國在印度-太平洋地區的總投資現已高于1.4萬億美元,超過中國、日本和韓國的投資總和。美國在印度-太平洋地區的投資必然繼續增長。

美國經濟恢復增長對于我們為印度-太平洋地區勾勒的前景具有重要意義。這個地區強盛和獨立的國家仍在發展壯大。這些國家繼續共同發展壯大。回顧我國早期的歷史,這一切正是美國一貫的殷切期望。

我國在印度-太平洋地區的過去是一部貿易和商業的歷史,始于兩個多世紀前。當時「中國皇后號」(Empress of China)船離開紐約(New York),橫跨印度洋(Indian Ocean)進入太平洋(Pacific),最后來到廣州,用美國本地人參交換中國的茶葉和瓷器。

縱觀我們的歷史,這是一部友好和伙伴關係的歷史,是與東西南北各國長期發展聯繫的歷史,其中包括5個我國關係最密切的條約盟國。

這是一部力挽狂瀾的歷史,一部發揚犧牲精神的歷史,記載了從珊瑚海(Coral Sea)到仁川登陸(Incheon Landing)我國最勇敢的勇士與你們諸國的眾多勇士橫跨無數崇山峻嶺、海灘和叢林,肩並肩遏制帝國主義和共產主義潮流的歷程。

這是一部印度-太平洋地區進步的歷史,講述我國與你們全體攜手共進,改善我們各國公民的生活,迎來為所有的人提供機會的新時代。在這個地區的各個地方,千百萬人民擺脫了貧困;發明和創業加速發展;獨裁統治紛紛垮臺,民主政體風起云湧,取而代之;從馬來西亞到馬爾代夫,各國公民意氣風發,重新把握未來,堅持自己的獨立自主。

儘管我們現在已經取得了進步,在我們舉行亞太經合組織會議之際,我們正在撰寫最新的篇章。我們以我們的遠大目標為指引。

去年,特朗普總統曾表示,美國尋求印度-太平洋地區的自由,使各獨立國家大膽地維護自身利益,以平等的態度尊重鄰國;實現各類社會、信仰和傳統的共同繁榮;讓每一個人都能行使天賦的自由,追求自己的夢想,規劃自己的未來。

美國還尋求印度-太平洋地區的開放,實現自由的商業和文化交流;為所有和平的用途打開海上和空中通道;在不出現衝突和脅迫行為的情況下解決糾紛;各國可以相互進行貿易,取之有道,平等互利;使我們能為所有生活在這個地區的人民迎來具有無限機會的未來。

我知道,印度-太平洋地區廣泛的大多數國家都共同擁有這個理想。從拉丁美洲西海岸到印度洋最遠端的所有國家,美國毫無例外地以友好和伙伴精神伸出自己的手,為了尋求合作而不是控制。我們所做的一切都要求堅持不懈地促進我們的共同繁榮,增進我們的共同安全,維護我們的共同原則。

貿易當然與我們在這個地區的利益息息相關。去年總統曾指出,「我將與任何希望成為我們的伙伴並且將遵守公平和對等貿易原則的印度-太平洋國家達成雙邊貿易協議。」

除了我已經談到的協議外,美國很快將與世界第三大經濟體日本進行貿易協議的談判。我還很高興地告訴諸位,美國已經與另外一個亞太經合組織成員討論另一項貿易協議,此事我們剛剛著手進行。

我們在努力達成新的協議的同時,也反對採取不公平貿易行為的國家。特朗普總統對我們與中國貿易關係採取的立場就是一例。

幾個小時前,特朗普總統在橢圓形辦公室(Oval Office)表示,我們「十分尊重習主席……十分尊重中國。」但是,總統指出,「很多、很多年來,中國利用美國從中獲利。」這樣的日子已經結束了。

總統還說,中國設置了「巨大的壁壘」;他們收取「高額的關稅」;而且眾所周知,他們的國家採用配額、強制技術轉讓、盜竊知識產權和前所未有的大規模工業補貼等手法。這些行為實際上造成美國僅去年一年就出現3,750億美元的產品貿易逆差。但是總統今天已經指出,「現在這一切已經發生變化。」

我們已經採取了果斷行動來解決我們與中國的貿易不平衡。我們已對2,500億美元的中國商品施加關稅,而且還可能把這個數字增加一倍多。但我們希望有更好的情況。然而美國將不會改變路線,直到中國改變其行為方式。

除貿易以外,美國還在印度-太平洋地區以前所未有的方式促進私人投資。當我們今天站在這裡的時候,美國公司正在雇傭並培訓你們的勞動者,用最高標準要求他們自己。他們不為一個遙遠的首都效力,而是將惠益直接帶給你們的國家。你們只需看看巴布亞新幾內亞,就能看到美國投資的關鍵重要性和種種益處的例證。

請看一個實例:埃克森美孚(ExxonMobil)已經在這個國家投資超過190億美元,修建了450多英裡的管道——(掌聲)——並在巴布亞新幾內亞這裡創造了2,600多個就業機會。(掌聲)其中絕大部分是本地雇員。現在我得知,埃克森美孚有意再投資數十億美元,把在莫爾茲比港的設施規模擴大一倍。而且明天,我期待同我們在本地區的幾個盟友和伙伴一道宣布一項將改變巴布亞新幾內亞前景的歷史性倡議。(掌聲)

而美國的投資不僅僅在這裡增加,還在整個印度-太平洋地區迅猛增長。我們的公司正在孟加拉國修建發電廠,並在尼泊爾擴展數字聯網。他們正在越南架設太陽能板,在新加坡修建創新中心,在秘魯構筑能源基礎設施,並在智利擴大醫療保健服務。他們還正在安裝並維護水下電纜,以使南太平洋地區的許多國家與美國及更廣泛的世界聯通。

而且美國正在採取行動以刺激特別是在數字聯網方面的更大的投資。本周,我們創立了「美國-東盟智能城市伙伴關係」(U.S.-ASEAN Smart Cities Partnership),以增強東南亞的網絡經濟,並利用美國的商務專長來滿足該地區的數字需求。在我們今后尋求發展類似的項目的過程中,我可以向你們保證,我們將繼續堅持我們的信念,即一個自由、開放的印度-太平洋地區也應當有一個自由、開放的因特網。(掌聲)

有了這個對發展融資重新做出的承諾,我們還將印度-太平洋地區的基礎建設作為一項頭等要務——從公路到鐵路,從港口到管道,從機場到數字線路。而且美國有一種有原則的方針,與其他某些國家形成鮮明的對比。

在我們發言之時,正如我們都知道的,有些人正在向整個印度-太平洋地區及全世界更廣泛地區的政府提供基礎建設貸款。然而這些貸款的條款往往在最好的情況下也是不透明的。他們所支持的項目往往是不可持續且質量低劣的。而且在太多情況下,它們都有附加條件並導致驚人的債務。(掌聲)

在我們的獨立戰爭(War of Independence)之后不久,我國的首任總統喬治·華盛頓(George Washington)警告我們有可能破壞我們所取得的一切成果的危險:債務及外國干涉。因此,今天,讓我告訴這個更廣泛的地區以及全世界的所有國家:不要接受有可能損害你們的主權的外國債務。要保護你們的利益。要維護你們的獨立。而且,正像美國一樣,要一貫將你們的國家放在首位。(掌聲)

要知道美國提供了一種更好的選擇。我們不會讓我們的合作伙伴淹死在債務之海。我們不會脅迫或損害你們的獨立。美國以公開、公平的方式行事。我們不會提供一個約束性的地帶,或一條單向的道路。當你們與我們合作時,我們也與你們合作,而且我們將共同繁榮。

我們正在對整個地區的繁榮的投資一直是巨大的,而且美國也繼續與志同道合的國家一道確保整個印度-太平洋地區的安全與和平。

你們知道,值得注意的是,想想當總統去年對你們發表講話時,印度-太平洋地區所面臨的最大的威脅是北韓政權。我們都記得那些日子:核試驗,飛越日本上空的導彈,以及一場言論和挑釁之戰。

面對這一威脅,美國聯合全世界展開了一場前所未有的施壓行動。而且在6月特朗普總統與金委員長在新加坡舉行的歷史性峰會上,世界目睹了我們的集體決心所產生的效果。不再有試驗。不再有導彈。我們的人質返回家園。而且朝鮮半島的和平希望再次升起。

在我們發言之時,美國正在為特朗普總統同金委員長之間的又一次峰會做出計畫。所有國家都必須繼續團結一致,堅決執行聯合國安理會的所有決議,並要求北韓履行它在《新加坡宣言》(Singapore Declaration)中做出的承諾——而且我們也將這樣做。

我們必須保持警醒和決心,以實現最終的、完全可核實的北韓去核化。為朝鮮人民確保一種持久和平,是我們應當為我們的子孫后代去做的,是我們應當為印度-太平洋地區去做的,也是我們應當為整個世界去做的。(掌聲)

正如特朗普總統去年所闡明的,美國還將對這個地區所面臨的其他威脅保持警惕——犯罪集團、販毒分子、人口販運分子,以及網絡犯罪分子。為此,我們將繼續擴大我們在整個地區的軍事、情報和執法合作。我們將繼續同我們的盟友及合作伙伴一道努力戰勝極端主義的威脅。在受到「伊斯蘭國」組織(ISIS)煽動的恐怖主義分子于去年在菲律賓大肆發起攻擊之后,美國同我們的盟友攜手解放了馬拉維市(Marawi City)。我們絕不允許極端的伊斯蘭恐怖主義分子在印度-太平洋地區有立足之地。

我們還將繼續和我們的盟友及我們的合作伙伴共同保衛我們在陸地、在海洋以及在數字領域的邊界。本周,我有幸宣布一項美國與新加坡之間的新的伙伴關係,以增強東盟10個成員國的數字防御系統。

我們還在締結新的及得到更新的安全伙伴關係,正如我們最近同印度和日本的三邊海軍演習所顯示的。今天,我榮幸地宣布美國將同巴布亞新幾內亞和澳大利亞合作,參與他們在馬努斯島(Manus Island)上的隆布魯海軍基地(Lombrum Naval Base)的聯合項目。(掌聲)我們還將同這些國家共同努力,保衛太平洋島嶼的主權及海事權利。

而且你們可以確信:美國將繼續捍衛海域及空域的自由,這對于我們的繁榮至關重要。我們將在國際法所允許的以及我們的國家利益所要求的任何地方飛行和航行;騷擾行徑只會增強我們的決心。我們將不會改變路線。而且我們將繼續支持東盟內部的努力,以採納一種有意義的、有約束力的行為規範,尊重所有國家在南中國海的權利,包括航行自由在內。(掌聲)

最后,正如特朗普總統去年所闡明的,我們將維護幾代人以來「造福于我們所有人的原則」。美國此時此刻正在整個地區促進公民社會、法治以及透明的、負責任的政府。這些都是進步的基石,而且它們是獨立的保障。

今天,我榮幸地宣布我們新的「印度-太平洋地區透明度倡議」(Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative)。在4億多美元的美國資金的支持下,這個項目將有助于促進該地區公民的自主權,抗擊腐敗,並增強主權。而且發起這個項目是我們的榮幸。(掌聲)

印度-太平洋地區的全體人民都應當生活在繁盛的國土之上。對本國人民負責的政府是我們所有人——包括美國在內——更好的合作伙伴。

正如總統去年11月在亞太經合組織所言,美國將一直毫無保留地捍衛個人權利。自美國建國以來,我國就一直遵循所有人生而平等並被我們的造物主賦予不可剝奪的特定權利的原則。美國人相信言論自由、私人財產以及宗教自由。而且我們將繼續支持那些在整個印度-太平洋地區及全世界追求這些自由的人。

我們這樣做是因為這是正義的。我們這樣做也是因為這符合我們所有人的利益。事實是,剝奪本國人民權利的政府往往也會侵犯其鄰國的權利。集權主義和進犯挑釁在亞太地區沒有立足之地。(掌聲)

在今后的日子裡,美利堅合眾國將繼續把美國放在首位,就像在座的所有國家都責無旁貸地將你們人民的利益置于首位。但我希望我今天的講話以及總統在過去一年的領導作用能夠表明,美國優先並不意味著美國獨行。我們知道我們的繁榮、我們的安全以及我們的未來與你們的密不可分。

總統派我來到這裡以展示我們的持久承諾,不僅僅是對你們所有人以及這個地區,而且是我們對亞太經合組織及其促進開放市場以及自由、公平和對等貿易的使命的持續承諾。本周有關數字貿易和服務的磋商對本地區的持續振興具有重要意義,而且我們為支持它們感到自豪。正如我本周早些時候對東盟國家領導人所言,東盟是我們的印度-太平洋地區遠景的核心。我們為我們同東盟過去、現在及未來的伙伴關係而感到自豪。(掌聲)

美國同我們的盟友日益緊密。我們正在同日本一起努力為本地區的能源基礎建設投資100億美元,而且我們現在同日本和澳大利亞合作支持整個印太地區的極其廣泛的各種私營開發項目。

作為全世界歷史最悠久的民主政體,美國還感到與世界最大的民主政體印度存在親密關係。對于我們規劃的前景,我們與印度的戰略伙伴關係是一個重要組成部分。此時此刻,我們正與我們主要的防務伙伴增進相互間的安全合作。我們正在加強與印度的相互貿易關係,促進我們在整個地區持有的共同價值觀。

通過基礎設施投資、漁業合作和新簽署的海洋條約,我們已經證明了向太平洋諸島(Pacific Islands)做出的承諾,堪稱前所未有。即使是規模最小的國家也成為自由和開放的印度-太平洋地區平等的利益攸關方。我們支持他們所有的國家並成為合作伙伴,並且為此感到驕傲。(掌聲)

現在,在我對工商界和公共生活領域尊貴的各位領導人發表講話之際,我們知道,你們很多人都對美中之間的競爭感到關注。人們關注雙方的競爭將損害地區經濟,或者南中國海(South China Sea)的開發將增加軍事緊張局勢。

為此,我明確表示:美國希望在公平、對等和尊重主權的基礎上改善與中國的關係。

美國和其他國家與北京的關係面臨諸多困難,我國政府對此已有明察。中國了解我們的立場。但朗普總統已經指出,我們希望「增進我們兩國的關係,改善兩國人民的生活。」

目前總統正準備在出席阿根廷20國集團首腦會議(G-20 Summit)期間會見習主席。我們相信能夠在這方面取得進展,即使美國仍然保持堅定的立場,也能夠在我們兩國之間取得進展。

請讓我再次明確表示:中國如果選擇尊重鄰國主權;開展自由、公平和對等的貿易;維護人權和自由,就能在我們關于印度-太平洋地區自由和開放的前景中占有受尊敬的地位。美國人民並沒有更多的要求;中國人民和整個印度-太平洋地區應得的利益也不應該有任何折扣。

今天,正如遙遠的過去一樣,美國堅持伙伴關係,向印度-太平洋地區伸出援助之手。我們的承諾堅定不移,歷久彌新。我們的心意已經通過兩個多世紀的友好情誼得到證明。我們的過去僅僅是未來的序曲。我們將共同撰寫未來的篇章,作為忠誠的伙伴和可信賴的朋友相互合作,相互競爭。

作為一個印度-太平洋國家,美國能夠成為這個偉大歷程的一部分,為此感到自豪。我們將繼續撰寫新的篇章,意志堅定,充滿信心,相信生活在這個廣大地區的人民,相信每一個人實現自己夢想的無限能力;相信我們最寶貴的原則,相信我們對世界這個地區的共同遠景。最后,我相信我們都真誠地認為,在努力實現印度-太平洋地區自由和開放的過程中,我們並非孤軍奮戰。

我聽說,附近的巴布亞新幾內亞議會保存著這個國家的國寶之一,400多年前的詹姆斯王欽定聖經(King James Bible)。(掌聲)這部聖經在來到這裡之前曾途徑我的家鄉印第安納州(Indiana)。這令人想到,世界這個廣大的地區以其豐富和多樣的文化和宗教傳統為特征。在這個基礎上,我相信我們可以堅信,我們矚望印度-太平洋地區自由和開放的前景必將實現。因為這部古老的聖經寫道,「在主的精神所到之處就存在自由。」(掌聲)

為此,感謝諸位讓我今天有幸發表講話並出席這次重要的會議。我們將超越我們的要求和想像,締造更好、更光明的未來。我們將締造不論大國還是小國都能在印度-太平洋地區繁榮昌盛的未來。我真心誠意地相信,我們將共同締造這樣的未來。

我代表特朗普總統和美國人民,感謝諸位今天蒞臨會場。上帝保佑印度-太平洋地區所有的國家和人民,上帝保佑美利堅合眾國(United States of America)。(掌聲)

(稿件來源:美國國務院)

发表在 Speeches 演講 | 副總統彭斯在2018亞太經合組織首席執行長峰會上的講話已关闭评论

評余杰《以真話來維權》

看到余杰的《以真話來維權》後,我發表了八個多月前寫給他的信(注1)。信裡我談到在甚麼樣的情況下,即便是「十足真金」的真話,也會傷人。我想委婉地向他表達,除了「講真話」外,一個人還應該能夠對自己講出的話負責任。我發現,他似乎不太考慮這一點。 
   
我當時沒有跟他講,其實他還有說了假話卻不自知的情形。在我的「婦人之仁」中,我一直怕他難為情。我們是校友,我又「癡長幾歲」,去年他到澳洲開作家會時,我應獨立中文筆會蔡楚先生的吩咐,盡過一點地主之誼,如安排他與悉尼和墨爾本幾十名作家的會面(後來他在其中發展了不少會員),一次公眾演講,在會議期間為他做翻譯,替他聯繫媒體採訪,等等。因為有過這點「私交」,我莫名其妙地覺得我對他負有甚麼責任,因此才費心費力寫那封長信。 
   
現在,我不得不將他講了假話卻不自知的例子說出。我希望,如果這能讓他有所觸動的話,他能藉此反省一下:是否還有更多的以為是講真話,卻講了假話甚至蠢話的情形?「講真話」這三個字,是否還有不為我知的境界和含義? 

这個例子發生在去年十一月在澳洲召开的亚太地区作家会上。我在會上做了題為《論言論自由、新聞管制及中國人民的對策》的發言,當時稿是用英文寫的,發言時也是用英文念的,因為工作語言是英文。 
   
大會結束後,我把發言稿翻成中文,於05年11月12日分別發表在大紀元(注2)、博訊網(注3),以及獨立中文筆會社區。 
   
五天後的11月17日,余杰發表了他的澳洲記行《若為自由故,天涯若比鄰》(注4),提到我的發言時,他說:「曾錚則講述了她的自傳《靜水流深》的寫作過程——這是一個法輪功學員在大陸遭到殘酷迫害的故事。」 
   
看到这里,我驚詫了。我沒有講過半句《靜水流深》的寫作過程,我講的是中國的言論自由和新聞管制,裡面提到法輪功和《九評》而已。如果余杰因為英文不好,當時沒聽懂,可是我早已在五天前發表了中文稿啊! 
   
也許,這是一件太小的事情,小到有人會覺得不值一提。但在我的「婦人之見」中,從此對余杰的治學態度打了個大大的問號。我看一個人,向來喜歡以小見大。大話人人會講,不經意的小節,往往更能反映一個人的品質;而一個人的見識高低,又取決於他的人品。人品不高,見識必低。 
   
余杰似乎一直將「說真話」放在僅次於上帝的重要位置。我願意相信,他主觀上,可能確實想講真話,他也以為自己在講真話。然而,由於他的無知、不求甚解,以及被膨脹的自我所矇蔽的心智,他說了假話卻不自知。更重要的是,自我過分膨脹後,一個人會失去起碼的善念和同情心。 
   
他在《以真話來維權》中提到他比較相信吳弘達對中共活摘法輪功學員器官的指控的結論時,也沒有給出任何論據和論證過程,唯一的原因/依據是「我認為」。「我認為」能夠成為判斷一個這麼嚴重的指控是真是假的依據嗎?誰都知道不能,余杰為甚麼會認為能呢?這也基於他對自我的一個判斷,也就是說,他可能下意識覺得,我余杰認為,這還不夠嗎? 
   
對於吳弘達的文章,力虹先生和老久已經撰文分析得很透徹(注5),我就不說甚麼了。 

我還想問余杰的是,他說法輪功「偽造」退黨數據,有何根據?他知道「三退」數字怎麼來的嗎?他有「偽造」的證據嗎?「偽造」發生在哪個環節?誰在進行「偽造」?法輪功學員揭露中共活摘器官的罪行時,人人都在問他們要「證據」,怎麼當有人說法輪功「偽造」這、「偽造」那時,就不需要拿出「證據」呢? 

相反,加拿大前國會議員大衛.喬高和人權律師大衛.麥塔斯關於中共活摘法輪功學員器官的報告(注6)是值得一讀的。它所引用的東西,都告訴你出自何處,對一個說法是否成立,除了看有甚麼能證實它外,也看有甚麼能反證(證偽)它,經過對十八類有可能成為證據和反證的因素的分析,最後才得出措詞十分嚴謹的結論。 

所謂「余王排郭」發生後,看到網上許多「聲討」余杰的文章,我曾時不時去設想:他現在的感覺如何?今年二月,他又來過澳洲,但我未與之見面。為此,我有些愧疚,有時甚至胡思亂想道:如果他第二次來澳時我對他的態度有所不同,他是否不會走到今天這步? 

我多次想給他寫信,可又覺得:說甚麼呢?安慰他?他需要嗎?建議他反省?他真要反省的話,用得著我說嗎?我也想像不出他的心情,正如他想像不出我的心情一樣。 

看到《以真話來維權》中的這段話,我終於瞭解他的心情了:「對於維權活動中某些熱衷於權謀和權力的人士,我選擇不跟他們做朋友,不與他們一起出現在公共場合,這亦是我的權利所在。」 
   
——看來,他已經沒有底氣了,卻又沒有承認錯誤的勇氣。於是,「說真話」在這時候,成了一個被寵壞的孩子,跟家長哭著喊著要得到的一個玩具。 
   
   2006-7-30初稿 
   
   2006-8-3修改 
   
   
   注1:曾錚致余杰:
https://www.jenniferzengblog.com/home/2018/11/17/to-yu-jie
   
   注2:曾錚:論言論自由、新聞管制及中國人民的對策:
    http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/5/11/12/n1117653.htm 
   
   注3:曾錚:論言論自由、新聞管制及中國人民的對策:

https://blog.boxun.com/hero/zengz/73_1.shtml

注4:余杰:若為自由故,天涯若比鄰:http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/5/11/24/n1130708.htm 
   
   注5:力虹:吳弘達他想幹甚麼?(一):http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/6/7/19/n1391411.htm 
   
   力虹:吳弘達他想幹甚麼?(二): http://www.dajiyuan.com/gb/6/7/20/n1392165.htm 
   
   力虹:吳弘達他想幹甚麼?(三): http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/6/7/21/n1393848.htm 
   
   老久:吳弘達為甚麼要欺騙美國議員?(上) :http://epochtimes.com/gb/6/7/25/n1397715.htm
   
   老久:吳弘達為甚麼要欺騙美國議員?(中) :http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/6/7/25/n1397808.htm 
   老久:吳弘達為甚麼要欺騙美國議員?(下) :http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/6/7/25/n1397811.htm
   
   注6:大衛.喬高、大衛.麥塔斯:關於調查指控中共摘取法輪功學員器官的報告(一)、(二)、(三)、(四):http://www.renminbao.com/rmb/articles/2006/7/7/40963.html 
    http://www.renminbao.com/rmb/articles/2006/7/8/40975.html 
    http://www.renminbao.com/rmb/articles/2006/7/9/40989.html 
    http://www.renminbao.com/rmb/articles/20

发表在 Commentaries 時評 | 評余杰《以真話來維權》已关闭评论

曾錚致余杰

(按:這封信是2005年余杰從澳洲回國後,我寫給他的。我只在原稿基礎上加了幾個字,也就是將「我真心地希望,你能再次放下驕傲」改為「你能再次放下作為一名基督徒的驕傲」,因為那才是我的本意。我當初之所以把「作為一名基督徒」這幾個字刪掉,是怕他受刺激。)

余傑:你好! 

很高興這次有機會見面,並就一些問題做比較深入的探討。可惜時日不多,還有些話沒來及說似的,就拉拉雜雜寫了這封信,莫怪我囉嗦或說話太直白了哦! 

從何說起呢?亂談吧。 

1、 關於《九評共產黨》 

我感覺,你是搞文學的,當然對文字非常敏感。這是必需和必然的。但任何事物可能都有其兩面性,從這一點上說,文字上的敏感,在有的時候,可能會成為你看到文字背後的東西的障礙。 

比如,中共用過「九評」,我們也用「九評」,就一定是沒有跳出中共的思維嗎?中共吃過黃瓜,我們大家就都不吃黃瓜了嗎?我倒覺得,問題不在字的表面,或到底誰寫了幾評。 

我們用九,是有我們的道理的。佛家講九九歸真。這個宇宙中許多事情,都是以九這個數字為最大數字的。我們煉功,也是做九遍的。 

如果說中共真的是個邪靈,「邪、騙、煽、斗、搶、痞、間、滅、控」就是它的九大穴,九評就像九道天符一樣,是要封它這九大穴的。我們用九評,可以說跟中共用沒用過九評沒有關係;如果因為它用過我們就不用了,那才落入它的巢臼呢。 

至於你說的九評的寫作方式、用詞用語、表達方式也像中共,我覺得這是因為:1、可能你沒有認真看九評,或者是沒有看懂(語直莫怪);2、可能因為你心中還有中共的影子。你說過,要像關公刮毒療傷一樣,刮去你身上的中共毒。如果身上真的還有中共餘毒,那麼你看九評的時候它會不會起作用呢?我時常覺得,同一個東西,不同的人看,會有不同的感受,這就跟讀者本身的狀況有關了。不少原來對法輪功很看不上的人,恰恰是看了九評以後,才改變了對法輪功的看法,甚至有因九評而走入法輪功的。 

我個人認為,九評最重要的,不是其羅列的那些歷史事實,這些許多人包括你,都早已知曉。我覺得九評最重要的一點,是第一次,從超越人類認知水平的高度,點出了中共的實質:它就是存在於另外空間的一個邪靈,以寄附在中華民族身上的方式,在世間漸漸表現出實相。 

只有認識到這一點,或說這樣去看問題,才能理解/解釋為甚麼中共歷任的總書記都被它自己打倒了,它卻還能「繁榮猖盛」;也才能理解,為甚麼那麼多中國人對中共(或中共的專制)的反抗總是「無功而返」。 

邪靈附體這個概念,或稱現象,在中國民間一直都是有流傳的,《聖經》中也有耶穌將附在人身上的鬼魂趕走,從而替人治好病的故事。只是,中共這個邪靈,是一個比一般的小鬼魂大得多的大邪靈,又不是只寄附在一個人兩個人身上,而是寄附在一個民族甚至更多人身上罷了。要不它為甚麼能做那麼大、那麼多的惡呢? 

只有認識到了中共的邪靈本質,才會認識到:反中共比反專制更重要、更有效。就算不同意、不理解中共是邪靈的說法(其實很可能不是甚麼說法,而是就是這樣),也應該可以看到:中共一倒專制必亡。我個人認為,反專制而不反中共,其實根本就動不了中共的根基。退黨潮引發的「合力」,是最和平的解體中共的辦法。和平,但同時也絕對是革命性的變革。 

以上是從個人方面講。從更大的方面,「合力」需要很多人和很多因素才能形成。從社會的角度,我覺得九評的作用絕對是正面的,或說得保守一點,正面的作用更大吧。中共將其列為第一禁品,不是沒有道理,大陸內法輪功弟子為傳九評,不知付出了多大的心血和代價。 

高智晟律師在他給胡溫的公開信中提到: 

「22歲的楊科萌是哈爾濱工業大學威海分校汽車專業系大二學生,從學生到校長,沒有一個人不喜歡他。因他在網上公開聲明退團被一位中央領導特別『關照』,他在退團時沒有寫明自己所在的學校,為此,『610』人員在全國高校進行了拉網式排查。今年5月,威海『610』人員找到他,問他是否練法輪功,是否在網上退團,他說:『我願退就退啊』。8月20日開學,『610』人員又來學校,29日他被抓走,父母打電話到宿舍後才知道。9月7日,他父母(楊平剛、常麗君)還有王勝利夫婦和濟寧的王女士同時被抓,至今下落不明」。 

今年二月從天津到澳洲尋求政治避難的原610警察郝鳳軍也提到,天津市有一個三萬多人的法輪功學員黑名單/資料庫,退黨聲明開始發表以後,每天,天津警察都會將那上面的姓名去與他們資料庫中的姓名對照,一旦有相同的立刻去抓人。中共對退黨一事,是非常認真的。 

另外,真名退黨的,如西安警察韓辛磊,被人暗算而遭滅口了。(報導:http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/5/10/18/n1088984.htm) 

總之,跳出個人好惡,不提法輪功學員為此做出的艱苦努力和巨大犧牲,我相信九評對許多人的共同的理想──一個自由民主的中國──是絕對在起正面作用的。 

你提到你要講關於九評的「真話」時,我心裏有一點隱隱的痛,想起了鎮壓法輪功初期,許多法輪功學員因為「真話」而受到的迫害。包括我自己,也是因一位功友(我至今不知是誰)在將我寫的信放到網上時未將我的名字刪掉,而導致我被判一年勞教。 

因為法輪功修「真」,所以許多人覺得講真話沒錯啊?就把功友的情況、自己的情況一古腦講給警察,結果是遭受嚴酷迫害。 

我的意思是想說,「講真話」,在某些時候,可能不是最高的應該遵守的原則。講真話的同時,還應該考慮它的(社會)效果。拿我們的修煉體會來說,就是修「真」的同時,還應該修「善」和「忍」。不能講假話,不意味著所有的真話都必須講出來。 

因為中共的掩蓋,不是所有民眾都瞭解它的罪惡歷史,九評在幫助這些人認識中共的歷史罪行和邪惡方面,有著巨大的作用。假如因為你的「真話」,使一些本來有心要看九評的人就此不看了呢?我心隱痛之時,真的好希望你能看更大的全局! 

再從更高的層面講,我曾問過你對「最後的審判」的理解。《聖經啟示錄》被認為是所有預言中寫得最高的,裡面提到了「赤龍」、「七頭十角獸」、「獸的印記」、「大淫婦」等等。它們指的是甚麼呢? 

從人類縱向、橫向上看,有比中共殺人更多的嗎?中國的人口,佔了世界的近四分之一,這麼多的人,都在中共的統治之下,而且,像你說的,整個西方都在被中國迷惑和誘惑(「大淫婦」和世界上所有的君王「行淫」)。中共為解決自身的危機,真的有可能將全世界拖入戰爭。從某種意義上說,中共要決戰人類。這麼大的事情,難道就沒可能是《聖經啟示錄》裡所預示過的嗎? 

「他又叫眾人,無論大小貧富,自主的為奴的,都在右手上,或在額上,受一個印記。(《聖經啟示錄》第13章第16節)。」這像不像中共讓人舉起右手發誓「為共產主義奮鬥終身」時的情形呢? 

「巴比倫大城」又像不像今天經濟虛假繁榮、道德嚴重淪喪的中國呢? 

《啟示錄》10章11節說:天使對我說「你必指著多民、多國、多方、多王再說預言」;第16章12節說:從日出之地。「日出之地」的東方,唯獨中國人口多、民族多、國土廣。 

「一切敬拜怪獸和它的像,在手裡或額裡有獸印的,都要喝上帝震怒的烈酒,就是祂『怒杯』所盛的、純一不雜的烈酒。他們要在神聖的天使和羔羊面前,受火和硫磺熏炙的痛苦;他們受煎熬時所發出的煙不斷地往上冒,日以繼夜,永無休止。那些拜獸和獸像又受了獸名印記的人,晝夜不得安寧。但這時正是持守上帝誡命和堅信耶穌的聖徒們表現堅忍的好機會。」這又會不會是天(神)滅中共時即將發生的事情呢? 

原來聽過兩個故事,給我印象很深。一個是Grace講給我的(Grace就是作家會最後那天下午到墨爾本大學去接你和蔡詠梅到城裡去轉的那位女士。她們家四代都是基督徒),說修女們點著燈守候著神的到來,神真來的時候,她們卻睡著了。 

另一個故事也很有名,相信你也聽過,就是說一個信神的人,發大水時跑到樓頂祈禱,來了船也不走,來了直升飛機也不走,只相信上帝會來救他,結果最後被水淹死,死後去責問上帝為何不救他,上帝反問他,我派了船去接你,又派了飛機去救你,你怎麼就是不走呢? 

我的意思是說,當神真的出現時,或給人神諭時,他不一定用你能想像到、預料到、甚至是能相信的方式。這就是對人的悟性的考驗了。 

退黨若是基督徒發起的,人們可能更容易將之與聖經啟示錄相聯繫;由《大紀元》發起意味著甚麼?難道就一定不會是神的旨意? 

當然,對聖經啟示錄,大家都一直在做不同的解讀。對以上說法,可以繼續思考、觀察。我相信真相會越來越多地顯現。 

另外還有一件你不知道的事情我想告訴你。就是那天你在悉尼講到對九評的看法時,你身後那個「余傑先生演講會」的橫幅,突然就掉了下來。我們相信天下沒有任何事是偶然的。我就是在那天決定要給你寫這封信的。 

2、關於你說的「我本人是一名基督徒,在信仰的層面上可以說跟法輪功朋友沒有任何的相似之處」。 

我先澄清一下,那天我們在悉尼跟中文作家們見面之後,我曾提到過《轉法輪》銷量很大,北大東語系校友寫一本書出來不一定能賣出去很多的問題。我說這話決不是說銷量大的一定是好書,而是想說,為了照顧絕大多數中國人的文化水平,文學水平太高的東西是不行的。在我看來,能以通俗的、農民和小孩都能看懂的語言把一整套理論講清楚,絕對是很高的水平。我自己就做不到,雖然高深的東西我也不會寫,通俗的,也夠嗆。哈!整個一「高不成,低不就」──對不起,扯遠了。 

其實李洪志先生還有不少文章是用文言文寫的。有人曾覺得同一個人寫東西文法怎麼差那麼遠呢,因而提出疑問。而我第一次看法輪功的書時,被背後的內涵震撼得太厲害了,以至根本就沒有注意到語言上的差異。本來我對文字也是比較敏感的。但看法輪功的書時,我似乎忽略了表面文字而一下看到了背後的內涵。我覺得這就是一部完整的法、圓融的法,不管表面用甚麼語言講,法是貫通的。 

再回到你的說法上。我倒是覺得,基督徒與法輪功修煉者在信仰層面上有很多相似之處。比如,他們都信神,都追求生命的永生,都相信通過信主/修煉能夠上天國/回天國。基督教講的「博愛」,「愛人如己」,別人打你左臉你給他右臉,忠於家庭等等許多價值觀念和行為準則,也是法輪功中要求和強調的,只是大家用的名詞不一樣,但實質上有相通處。我們覺得,基督教徒們信主、不斷地向主懺悔自己哪裡做錯了並改正、不再犯同樣錯誤的過程,跟我們講的修心、去執著、使自己越變越好的過程很相似。 

你曾問法輪功怎麼修煉的問題。基本就是學法、修心、去執著,盡量保持一顆詳和慈悲純正純淨的心,外加煉五套功法。學法是為了明白法理,修煉中遇到問題,或自己的執著心表現出來時,就能意識到它並加以去除。 

你這次對「懺悔」二字的原義的解釋讓我覺得很有意思──「箭射出未命中目標」。我相信這真的應該是現在所說的「懺悔」的原義。 

你知道嗎,其實我們也是這樣理解的。我們相信宇宙中有法,就是「真善忍」。宇宙所出現的一切問題都是因為其中的生命和物質偏離了法,也就是偏離了「真善忍」造成的。我們修煉,就是要去掉那些不符合「真善忍」的,使自己朝「真善忍」歸正──或「箭射出要命中目標」。 

我們談到過基督教和法輪功對神的不同的理解的問題。其實,雖然我那天跟你說過,法輪功中認為高於人的生命都可以叫做神。但同時,我們還認為(或我們老師說過),作為宇宙中不同層次的神,他就必須具備這個能力,開天闢地,創造這一層的宇宙。這一點,與基督教的看法(信仰),並不矛盾。 

我還問過你對於「原罪」的理解。我們認為,基督教中所說的原罪,與佛家(我說的佛家不是指佛教)中所說的「罪業」、「業」也是一個意思,就是人不聽神的話了/偏離宇宙的法了之後,所積攢的在自己生命中不好的東西。修煉就是要把這些東西去掉。 

當然,早期的基督徒所受的迫害,與今天的法輪功學員也非常相似。看一看高律師寫的公開信,和他在其後接受大紀元採訪時所透露的更多的細節,就知道法輪功學員所受迫害之慘烈,絕不亞於當年被扔入獅口的基督徒。 

許多人說法輪功「盜用」了佛家、道家中的東西。其實,他們沒有看到,李洪志先生還多次談到過基督教和耶穌。我第一次一口氣將法輪功的四本書連看兩遍時,就覺得,作者不是在「盜用」佛家和道家的東西,而是他能說得清佛家和道家的事情。 

當然,我知道,信仰問題在某種意義上說,是極其敏感的。我希望你能從一個自由知識份子的角度也好,學者的角度也好,社會學研究者/觀察者的角度也好,再研究一下法輪功。請你將之與早期的基督教比較一下。這麼大的一個人群,這麼大的一場鎮壓,而且法輪功問世僅十三年,就已傳到近八十個國家,書籍被翻成三十多種語言(九評都有二十三種語言了),就算是作為一種社會現象,難道不值得認真研究一下嗎?而且法輪功所有的書籍都是公開的,至少,將所有的書看一遍,再發表言論,才算是比較穩妥的吧? 

你說過,放下你在人中的驕傲之後,你成為了一名基督徒;我真心地希望,你能再次放下作為一名基督徒的驕傲,去深入瞭解一下法輪功和九評。 

我這麼說,絲毫沒有說你現在太驕傲的意思,而是因為,基督教已在世間流傳甚久甚廣,是一種已經established、廣被尊崇的信仰,身在其中,有「驕傲」,也是應該或難免的。 

3、 關於中華文化 

我注意到你在悉尼演講快結束的時候提到中國時,用了「神州大地」這個詞。 

其實中國的文化就是神傳文化和修煉文化。有許多詞,如「神州大地」、「道」、「德」、「造業(孽)」、「悟」等等,人們常常掛在嘴上說,卻不去想,也不知道它們是怎麼來的了。 

就從文字上講吧,我不知道你注意到中文和其他所有語言之間的不同沒有。中文是世界上內涵最大的文字,只有中文是天上的語言,是神的語言,其它語言都不是,它們只是神造的給人用於交流的一種符號。 

誠然,中國歷史上、傳統文化中,有許多醜惡的東西,但是哪個國家的歷史和文化中又沒有呢?不止是人類這一層次,更高層次的空間中都發生了問題,所以才有今日人類這層空間中的許多問題的出現。但中國今天的問題,跟中華的(傳統)文化沒有必然的聯繫。 

至於說自由民主為何沒有在中國實現,現代西方科學為甚麼沒有從中國興起,那是有更大的原因的,不是一下兩下能說清楚的,就不說了吧。這封信已經太長了。 

最後,請代問夫人好。如果可能,請與她分享這封信。我看過你的〈香草山〉,對於她那樣的女孩子,真的是非常神往。她不認識我,我卻早已愛上她了。 

祝二位幸福安康! 

曾錚上 

2005-11-20 

 圖:一名西人法輪功學員在閱讀英文《轉法輪》。

圖:一名西人法輪功學員在閱讀英文《轉法輪》。

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